My Daily Advertiser Op Ed column for Wednesday 1 November 2023
Unconditional approval of Israeli policy on Palestine unacceptable
I’ve spent the past few weeks mulling over how to approach Israel’s response to the attack by Hamas. Eventually I decided to declare a ‘conflict of interest’, by noting that before COVID I made eight trips to Palestine, working in a refugee camp. I’m also a past and founding Convenor of the Greens for Palestine.
I should also note that Israel’s response is a fast moving one, meaning that any commentary runs the risk of being outdated by the time it is published. Accordingly, I’ll confine my remarks to underlying issues and broad implications for the future.
I’ll begin with commentary on Australia’s position. As Ben Saul noted on the ABC (and later reprinted in Pearls and Irritations) former prime minister Gough Whitlam wrote in 1985 that while Australian governments always claimed to take a balanced approach to Israeli-Arab disputes, “in practice they were favouring Israel”.
Their bias towards Israel grew even stronger after Whitlam. Former foreign minister Alexander Downer even boasted that Australia is more pro-Israel than 99 per cent of the world. Under the Abbott Government, Australian policy sunk to new lows in unabashedly favouring extreme, illegal, and destructive Israeli government positions.
In 2014, the Attorney-General, George Brandis, refused to call East Jerusalem ‘occupied’. Foreign minister Julie Bishop doubted the illegality of Israel’s settlements in the Palestinian West Bank. There is universal legal consensus that the settlements are indeed illegal.
PM Albanese and FM Wong quickly jumped in to unreservedly champion Israel after the recent attack by Hamas, and it took almost two weeks for the two ministers to provide a more nuanced response. Thankfully the Greens could recognise Israel’s continued use of collective punishment when they saw it.
Of the five General Assembly resolutions on Palestine adopted in 2013, Australia joined a handful of countries in voting against three, and abstaining from two.
Australian policy is also biased because it routinely condemns Palestinian violence, but rarely condemns Israeli violence and illegality as stridently.
While condemning violence against Israeli civilians, Australia should equally condemn Israel’s illegal occupation of Palestinian territory, its annexation of East Jerusalem, its destructive blockade and collective punishment of Gaza, and its forcible repression of Palestinian self-determination.
Australia should condemn Israel’s refusal to readmit Palestinian refugees, and to provide remedies for their ethnic cleansing which accompanied the foundation of Israel in 1948.
Australia should condemn the periodic Israeli military operations which cause excessive civilian casualties, illegally destroy property, and sometimes even deliberately target civilians. This is not merely collateral damage, it is collective punishment, and it is illegal in international law.
We should also condemn the frequent impunity for Israeli soldiers who violate the law. An example is the death of Al Jazeera journalist Shireen Abu Akleh, shot by an Israeli soldier.
Australia should condemn attacks by Israeli settlers against Palestinian civilians. This is also terrorism but is never noted as such by Australian media or governments.
A balanced Australian policy would insist that peace negotiations must respect Palestinian rights under international law, including the full return of Palestinian land. We must stop saying that the Palestinians should have accepted the peace deal offered at Camp David in 2000, when that deal did not fairly guarantee basic Palestinian legal rights.
The root cause of the Israel-Palestine conflict is the near-60-year occupation of Palestinian territory by Israel and the illegal colonisation of Palestinian land. Violence to liberate Palestine is inevitable unless Israel withdraws and complies with international law.
There are new policy initiatives that Australia could take to pressure Israel. Our government should prohibit all economic dealings with the Israeli government, settlements, and companies in relation to the occupied territories (boycotts, divestments and targeted sanctions – BDS).
Australia should urge the UN Security Council to refer alleged war crimes by Hamas and Israel to the International Criminal Court for investigation.
Australia should attempt to sue Israel in the International Court of Justice for violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law.
Finally, Australia should offer to contribute personnel to a future UN peacekeeping force to guarantee the security of borders between Israel and the Palestinian state.
Australia should stop being an extreme, pro-Israel outcast, and join the rest of the world in being a responsible, pro-international law adult. Being a fawning friend encourages Israeli lawlessness and pushes peace further away.